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Date:  Tue, 15 Apr 2003 20:25:32 +0200 (MEST)
From:  Norbert Klein <nhklein@gmx.net>
Subject:  [communication 628] Re: - post-Western, old and new
To:  communication@wsisasia.org
Cc:  sacha@forumasia.org
Message-Id:  <2602.1050431132@www16.gmx.net>
References:  <3B6A73F0-6EFC-11D7-BDC7-000393DB8C92@forumasia.org>
X-Mail-Count: 00628

Dear Sacha,

thanks for sharing the considerations "Not anti-Western, rather
post-Western" from The Nation/Bangkok, with us. I find it very challenging, as we are so
often faced with the question: where - in history and in this globalized
world - do we stand, and where do we go.

In a not totally unrelated sense I recently wrote something trying to
clarify how - even within the so called Western world - we have to struggle where
we come from, and where we might go. I dare to share this also with all
friends in this group. It relates also with the powers that control the flow of
information in society, and the Summits ahead of us.

Norbert


= = = 

Phnom Penh Post, 28 March – 10 April 2003, page 13.


Old Europe vs. New USA

After the US Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, called France and
Germany "Old Europe," the German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer responded, "Well
said!" as "Old Europe" has its long traditions and values from which derive
certain principles that guide present policy.

In contrast, a number of statements of US policy leaders are extremely
surprising, given that they relate to the life and death of thousands of people.
Is this the voice of the "New United States of America"?

On February 6, 2003, President Bush declared that the government of Iraq had
thrown away its final chance - while the UN weapons inspectors were
continuing their work, finding answers and clarifying open questions - and that "now
the game is over." To which French Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin said
the Iraq crisis "is not a game" and it is "not over."

At the Azores press conference on March 17, it seemed to be to Bush a game
again, when he explained his view of what had happened at the UN Security
Council: "I was the guy that said they ought to vote. And one country voted,
showed their cards. I believe it's an old Texas expression: show your cards, when
you're playing poker. France showed their cards. After I said what they
said, they said they are going to veto anything that held Saddam to account. So
cards have been played."

But the French position had been to take the government of Iraq to account;
it accepted and supported the pleading of the UN weapons inspectors that more
time - "not years, but months" - would be needed to complete their task.

The overall US Marine commander, Lieutenant-General James Conway, who
commands more than 85,000 US Marines and British troops waiting to attack,
predicted on March 16 that war would begin with a three or four-day bombing campaign,
to kill half of the Iraqi military close to the border, before moving into
Iraq. He told his troops not to worry about peace protests at home, as the
support for the war was growing: "When we invade Iraq, that'll go up to 91
percent. And you know how I feel about it? Piss on everybody else."

The US tested its newest 21,000 pound (9.5 tonne) bomb, 40 percent stronger
than the strongest bomb used in Afghanistan, on March 11 in Florida: "It
spreads a flammable mist over the target, then ignites it, producing a highly
destructive blast." While other such bombs were being prepared for transport to
anti-Iraqi units, a member of the US Air Force who had learned to adjust his
spelling to French - had painted on it: "Fuque the French."

On March 18, President Bush announced his ultimatum that "Saddam Hussein and
his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours; their refusal to do so will result
in military conflict commenced at a time of our choosing," showering death
on many innocent people in Iraq. He concluded his speech: "Good night, and may
God continue to bless America."

The following day, the Pope spoke about the "precious gift of goodwill and
peace ... for all of humanity, especially those people threatened in these
hours by war. I pray that ... in this moment of trepidation for peace, the
desire for harmony and reconciliation is revived... Those who decide that all
peaceful means that international law makes available are exhausted assume a
grave responsibility before God, their conscience, and history."

As a person from Old Europe, I would like to see similar language and
serious content from the leaders of the United States, instead of talk about poker,
pissing on the peace movement, and threatening to fuque the French.

Norbert Klein 
Phnom Penh
= = = 

-- 
Norbert Klein
Open Forum of Cambodia
Phnom Penh/Cambodia